Khitan — Circumcision in Islam: Male Fitrah, Female Practice, and the Human Rights Debate

Male Circumcision: Fitrah and the Abrahamic Covenant

One of the acts of fitrah: The Prophet Muhammad (SAW) said: “Five [or ten] things are of the fitrah: circumcision, shaving the pubic hair, cutting the nails, plucking the armpit hair, and trimming the moustache.” (Bukhari, Muslim) Fitrah (فِطرَة) — the innate human nature with which Allah created humanity — defines the baseline of bodily propriety in Islamic practice. Circumcision heads the list.

Ibrahim’s circumcision: The Prophet said: “Ibrahim circumcised himself when he was eighty years old, using an axe.” (Bukhari) Ibrahim is the abi al-anbiya’ (father of the prophets) and the khalilullah (Friend of Allah) — and his circumcision as an adult establishes the practice as a covenant mark of the monotheistic tradition. The same practice is shared with Judaism (where it is the brit milah, the covenant of Abraham).

Scholarly positions on obligation:

• Shafi’i and Hanbali: Male circumcision is wajib (obligatory) — failure to circumcise a male child is a sin upon the guardian.
• Hanafi and Maliki: Sunnah mu’akkada (strongly emphasized Sunnah) — not technically obligatory but strongly expected and normative.
• Practical consensus: Across all four Sunni schools and in Shia tradition (including Ismaili/Bohra practice), male circumcision is universal — a boy who reaches adulthood uncircumcised is required to undergo it.

Timing: The Sunnah timing is the 7th day after birth, connected to the aqiqa ceremony — sacrifice, naming, head shaving, and circumcision all on the 7th day. However, the circumcision may be performed at any point in childhood or adulthood if not done at birth.

Medical and hygiene aspects: Classical Islamic scholars extensively noted the hygienic benefits of circumcision — removal of the foreskin prevents accumulation of secretions and reduces certain infections. Modern medical literature has documented reduced risk of certain infections in circumcised males. The WHO considers male circumcision a voluntary medical intervention with documented health benefits in certain contexts.

In Dawoodi Bohra tradition: The circumcision ceremony (khitan) is a significant family and community event — often combined with the aqiqa and tahadiq ceremonies. The boy is dressed in celebration, du’as are recited, and the community gathers.

See also: Aqiqa, Khalq Head Shaving, Ibrahim Al Khalil, Hajj Philosophy, Akhlaq

Female Circumcision: The Classical Position

The classical Shafi’i position: The Shafi’i school — historically influential in East Africa, Southeast Asia, Egypt, and among Shafi’i communities in the Indian subcontinent (including the Bohra tradition) — held female circumcision to be obligatory (wajib) for women, equivalent to male circumcision. The sunnah of female circumcision in classical Shafi’i texts refers to minimal removal of the prepuce of the clitoris (what was called khafd — reduction, not amputation).

The Maliki and Hanafi positions: The Maliki school considered female circumcision makruma — an honorable but non-obligatory act. The Hanafi school, dominant in Central Asia, Turkey, South Asia, and much of the Ottoman world, generally did not consider female circumcision obligatory or even recommended in their primary texts.

The hadith evidence: The most-cited hadith on female circumcision is reported from the Prophet: “If you circumcise, do not go to excess, for it is more pleasurable for the woman and more preferable for the husband.” This hadith is classified by most scholars as da’if (weak) or hasan at best — its authenticity is contested, and the instruction “do not go to excess” is read by some as limiting rather than commanding the practice.

What classical texts meant: Even the classical Shafi’i texts that described female circumcision as obligatory were referring to a minimal intervention — the removal of a small portion of skin over the clitoris (prepuce) rather than amputation. The vast spectrum of practices that exist under the umbrella of “female circumcision” across different cultures range from this minimal form all the way to complete clitoridectomy and infibulation — the latter representing severe mutilation entirely outside anything the classical scholars contemplated.

Female Genital Mutilation: The Human Rights Reality

WHO classification: The World Health Organization defines Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) as “all procedures that involve partial or total removal of the external female genitalia, or other injury to the female genital organs for non-medical reasons.” The WHO classifies FGM into four types:

• Type I (Clitoridectomy): Partial or total removal of the clitoris and/or its prepuce
• Type II (Excision): Partial or total removal of the clitoris and labia minora, with or without excision of the labia majora
• Type III (Infibulation): Narrowing of the vaginal opening through creation of a covering seal
• Type IV: All other harmful procedures to female genitalia for non-medical purposes

The WHO, UNICEF, UNFPA, and all major international health and human rights bodies classify FGM as a violation of human rights, a form of gender-based violence, and a practice with no health benefits that causes extensive documented harm: immediate complications (pain, bleeding, infection), long-term complications (chronic pain, infections, complications in childbirth), and psychological harm.

No health benefits: Unlike male circumcision (which has documented health benefits discussed in medical literature), FGM has no documented health benefits. Female sexual pleasure is reduced or eliminated, and medical complications are frequent and serious.

The Contemporary Scholarly Shift

Major Islamic organizations: The Egyptian government and Al-Azhar University — historically a Shafi’i institution that might have been expected to maintain the classical position — have in recent decades issued statements declaring female circumcision not Islamically required and condemning harmful forms. Egypt criminalized FGM in 2008 after a high-profile case where a girl died during the procedure.

The contemporary Shafi’i position: Many contemporary Shafi’i scholars and institutions, having examined both the hadith evidence and the medical reality, have concluded:

1. The hadith supporting female circumcision are weak and do not establish obligation
2. Even if the hadith were authentic, the minimal procedure it described is categorically different from the practices carried out in the name of female circumcision today
3. The Islamic principle of la darar wa la dirar (no harm shall be inflicted or reciprocated) prohibits any practice causing significant harm when no genuine religious or medical benefit is established

Scholars who have prohibited it: Prominent contemporary scholars including Sheikh Yusuf al-Qaradawi (who earlier supported minimal female circumcision) revised their position. Many muftis across the Arab world now declare FGM in its harmful forms prohibited under the Islamic principle of harm prevention.

The Bohra Community Context

The tradition: A tradition of female circumcision (khatna in Bohra parlance) has existed in Dawoodi Bohra communities, historically framed as a religious obligation under the Shafi’i influence on the Bohra legal tradition. The Bohra khatna has typically been described as a minimal form — but the variability of practices, the secrecy around them, and the absence of medical oversight have meant that harm has occurred.

Internal advocacy and reform: A significant internal reform movement — led by organizations including Sahiyo (co-founded by Bohra women) and individual advocates — has campaigned from within the Bohra community against khatna. These advocates describe their personal experiences of the procedure, argue it is not an Islamic obligation, and call for its abandonment. Their advocacy has drawn international attention and significant support from within the community.

The Da’i’s authority: In Dawoodi Bohra tradition, the Da’i al-Mutlaq has religious authority over community practice. The question of whether and how the leadership will formally address khatna is central to the reform debate. Advocates argue that a clear statement from the religious leadership is the most effective path to ending the practice.

The legal landscape: FGM is illegal in many countries where Bohra communities live, including the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, and Australia. Several prosecutions have occurred in these jurisdictions involving Bohra practitioners. This legal dimension adds urgency to the community debate.

The human rights position: Whether or not a minimal form of female circumcision is technically permissible under a narrow reading of classical Shafi’i jurisprudence, the practice as carried out on children who cannot consent constitutes a violation of their bodily autonomy and right to health. The broad contemporary Islamic scholarly consensus — and universal international human rights law — supports protecting girls from this practice.

Community resources: For Bohra individuals and families navigating this issue, organizations like Sahiyo (sahiyo.com) provide support, community connection, and advocacy resources.

See also: Aqiqa, Khalq Head Shaving, Akhlaq, Al Hisba, Understanding Walayah

Summary of Positions